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- <text id=91TT2884>
- <title>
- Dec. 30, 1991: Yugoslavia:The Shock of Recognition
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
- Dec. 30, 1991 The Search For Mary
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 29
- YUGOSLAVIA
- The Shock of Recognition
- </hdr><body>
- <p>Germany pressures its European partners into a compromise on
- independence for Croatia and Slovenia
- </p>
- <p>By Frederick Painton--Reported by James L. Graff/Zagreb,
- James O. Jackson/Bonn and William Mader/London
- </p>
- <p> It used to be a given of European political life that
- Germany, guilt-ridden by its wartime past, would not take a
- leading or controversial role in world affairs. The Federal
- Republic, it was said, was an economic giant and a political
- dwarf--a state of affairs that suited its neighbors very well
- indeed. Last week the dwarf suddenly raised himself to
- unprecedented heights during a tense debate within the European
- Community on how to deal with the six-month-old civil war in
- Yugoslavia.
- </p>
- <p> Only a week after the Maastricht summit, hailed as a major
- step toward E.C. unity, the Twelve found themselves deeply
- divided over whether to recognize the independence of the
- breakaway republics of Slovenia and Croatia in the face of
- continuing attacks by the Serb-dominated national army. On the
- eve of an E.C. foreign ministers' meeting in Brussels, the
- Germans were in a distinct minority in their push for
- recognition--a move they said would deter further Serbian
- assaults. By the next day, in an unexpected show of diplomatic
- muscle, Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher had cajoled and
- bullied the European partners into partial agreement by
- threatening that Germany would act alone if they failed to go
- along.
- </p>
- <p> The result was a compromise: the E.C. would recognize the
- two republics as of Jan. 15, but only if they pledged to
- respect human and minority rights, demonstrated a willingness
- to settle border questions and other disputes peacefully, and
- guaranteed a democratic government. The Germans immediately
- undermined the decision, however, by declaring their intention
- to recognize Croatia and Slovenia even before the E.C. makes a
- determination on whether the conditions have been met.
- </p>
- <p> Chancellor Helmut Kohl called the compromise "a great
- victory for German foreign policy." At the least, it spared the
- E.C. from an embarrassing public split, but there will
- undoubtedly be unpleasant repercussions for some time to come.
- British Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd, evoking World War I,
- reminded the House of Commons that "there is a tradition of the
- main states of Western Europe splitting in rivalry on these
- Balkan questions, and this all ending up on the battlefield. I
- don't think that tradition is a good one." One Conservative M.P.
- even complained about "the overmighty Hun."
- </p>
- <p> Rarely since the end of World War II has a foreign policy
- issue had such an emotional impact on the German government and
- public as the crisis in Yugoslavia. One explanation for the
- strong German support of Croatia is that German unification in
- 1990 flowed from the very self-determination that Slovenes and
- Croats are now attempting to exercise. Another is that Germany
- has a built-in lobby in nearly 500,000 Croats living in the
- country. Millions of German tourists, moreover, have long
- enjoyed the Croatian coast as a kind of central European
- Riviera.
- </p>
- <p> Backed halfheartedly by Belgium and Denmark, Germany
- argued for recognition of the two republics as quickly as
- possible, suggesting that international acceptance of Croatia's
- frontiers would deflect the Serbian drive to annex more Croatian
- territory on the pretext of protecting Serb minorities. But
- opponents in Britain, France, Holland and, from the sidelines,
- the U.S. and the United Nations countered that recognition might
- only provoke the Serbs into expanding the civil war by
- deploying the national army into Bosnia-Herzegovina to "protect"
- the Serb minority there. That in turn could cause the conflict
- to spread to Macedonia, possibly involving Greece; to Kosovo,
- which has an Albanian majority; even to Hungary, which has a
- minority ethnic community just across the border with
- Yugoslavia. Most Croats are also convinced that recognition
- would allow them to receive better arms from the West,
- strengthening their resistance.
- </p>
- <p> "E.C. policy is now German policy," commented Belgrade's
- state-run TV, repeating the official Serbian accusation that the
- Germany of today is a reincarnation of Hitler's Third Reich,
- which, in a new march to conquest, is trying to break up
- Yugoslavia. "The main problem with recognition," said Wolfgang
- Biermann, a foreign policy analyst for the Social Democrats in
- Bonn, "is that it is the Germans who are pushing it. Considering
- Germany's history in Yugoslavia, the Serbs are convinced that
- Germany is splitting up their state again. That escalates the
- conflict." In a number of capitals there was discomfort with the
- appearance of Germany again supporting Croatian independence,
- as the Nazis backed fascist Croatia during World War II.
- </p>
- <p> For the moment, the war appears to be beyond the reach of
- diplomacy: so long as cease-fires cannot be guaranteed, no U.N.
- or E.C. intervention force is likely to be inserted between the
- warring factions. The search for a peaceful solution amounts to
- one of the greatest diplomatic challenges the E.C. has faced
- since its inception. Germany, derided as a slacker by some
- allies during the gulf war, has now stepped out in front. But
- who knows whether its initiative will help solve what may be an
- intractable problem?
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
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